A couple of weeks ago I attended the first J Street conference in Washington DC. Arriving at the hotel, I figured I'd see right-wing protesters, but there was only one sad eccentric wearing a yarmulka and a swastika. The organizers expected 1000 attendees, but 1500 showed up, leading to conference rooms bursting at the seams, a raucous atmosphere and a lot of fun. Especially at the evening reception. Few things are more entertaining that watching Jewish political dorks trying to get their groove on the dance floor.
The plenary sessions included a keynote speech by Gen. Jim Jones, President Obama's National Security Adviser, a panel with members of Congress of both parties and another with several senior current and former Israeli politicians. Smaller breakout sessions touched on such topics as the Geneva accords, US interests in the region, the settlements, NGOs in Israel/Palestine, civil society in Israel, human rights in the occupied territories, Palestinian perspectives on the peace process, and, most significantly, what it means to be pro-Israel.
Perhaps the most fascinating session was an eloquent townhall debate between J Street founder Jeremy Ben-Ami and Rabbi Eric Yoffie, President of the Union for Reform Judaism. Yoffie, a mainstream yet reliably liberal voice, defended Israel's actions in the Gaza war, while asserting his support for the two-state solution and the need for Israel to provide full civil and human rights to all those who live within its borders. He also made a questionable distinction between "ideological" settlements east of the security wall and the settlement blocs west of the wall, the so-called "suburbs of Jerusalem". Ben-Ami responded by pointing out their many areas of policy agreement, while calling for a full settlement freeze and criticizing Israel's assault on Gaza as unwise, excessive and disproportionate to the threat being countered. Personally, I agree with Ben-Ami. Indeed, it seems to me that the knee-jerk defenses of Israel's actions in Gaza often stem more from cognitive dissonance than from genuine justification. Others may feel differently. But let's agree at least that neither position is beyond the pale.
The consensus at the conference, even among the critics of J Street who were invited to speak, was that any robust pro-Israel stance must support the two tenets of Zionism: that Israel must be a Jewish state, and a democratic state. And all agreed that this requires a two-state solution. Indeed, if you accept those premises then you'd be giving the rules of logic a run for their money by suggesting any other policy. And once you accept the two-state solution, its parameters are fairly clear: E.g., no settlements on the one hand, and no right of return on the other. J Street diverges from its critics primarily over the Gaza war and how to deal with Iran's nuclear ambitions, but even on these issues J Street's positions are nuanced and reasoned, even if you happen to disagree with them.
There are also differing points of view on J Street's position that the US must play a robust role in the peace process, with the traditional AIPAC stance being that the US role should be limited to supporting Israeli positions. Again, I agree with J Street on this one. Let's not forget that engaged US administrations helped bring about the peace agreements with Egypt and Jordan, while an Israeli government left to its own devices, with passive American support, could do no better than the disastrous Gaza disengagement. Furthermore, supporters of J Street, and, for that matter, AIPAC, are American citizens first and foremost. What kind of politics is it to suggest to your own government that their policy in a region should be dictated exclusively by the government of another country, albeit a close ally? In the end, the US must act in its own interests in the Middle East.
It emerges, therefore, that, with a few quibbles, the policy positions J Street endorses are within the boundaries of mainstream Israeli, and American, politics. The two-state solution is the official policy of the governments of the US, the Palestinians and Israel. It is widely accepted in Israel from Likud leftwards, is supported by a large majority of US Jews and is essentially endorsed by AIPAC. Other positions may be more controversial, but are still within the confines of the "Zionist" political discourse in Israel. Israeli attendees at the conference included Ami Ayalon, Amir Peretz, Meir Shitreet, and other MKs from Kadima, Labor and Meretz. Congratulatory letters were sent by opposition leader Tzipi Livni and President Shimon Peres. None of these people could reasonably be accused of not being pro-Israel.
Notably absent from the conference, however, was Israel's ambassador to the US, or any other Israeli government representative. While members of the coalition Labour party spoke at the conference, the official stance of the Israeli government was one of disdain, alleging that some of J Street's position endanger Israel. Of course there's no need to take this overheated rhetoric too seriously. Accusing anyone you disagree with of destroying the country is par for the course in Israeli politics. the inflammatory rhetoric about J Street not being pro-Israel stems more from the threat J Street presents to entrenched interests than to any rational analysis of the issues.
What should be considered seriously, though, is the foolishness of the Israeli government's refusal to engage with its friendly critics. J Street is here to stay, and here's why. The American Jewish community is overwhelmingly liberal. They voted for President Obama in numbers exceeded only by those in the African-American community. And younger Americans also voted for Obama by large margins. This overwhelming support for liberal politics, while primarily domestically oriented, does influence how people think about the Middle East.
Furthermore, younger American Jews don't have the same sort of relationship with Israel that their parents do. The older generation sees Israel in emotional, almost mystical terms, and they back their allegiance up with political clout and donations. Many see Israel as a second nationality, and they take criticism of Israel very personally. Not because they would necessarily disagree with the criticism if they looked at it dispassionately, but because, as one member of Congress put it, "Israel is put upon by everyone, so at least we should always defend it".
Younger, politically active American Jews tend to see Israel very differently. They like Israel, and feel an emotional connection, especially those who've been on Birthright trips, but their identity as Jews is far less tied into Israel than that of their parents. The primary Jewish orientation, if any, of activists of the younger generation is not Israel but Tikkun Olam. Across the country, young Jews are synthesizing their Jewish identity and progressive politics into social and political activism. They increasingly view unquestioning support for Israel as incompatible with their values, and their national identity is overwhelmingly American. As such, they support active US engagement in the peace process for the simple reason that it is in America's interest. And they form their opinions on Israel not according to what Israeli government propaganda tells them but according to their own view of events and their own moral compass. These opinions may or may not concur with specific policies that J Street currently holds. That's not really the point. J Street represents a larger trend, of a community taking an active role in forming its political identity.
Extrapolate these trends 20-30 years into the future and you get a Jewish community that wants a connection with Israel, but only if that connection is a two-way street. If Israel says, in effect, "we want your political support, and your donations, but we're not interested in your opinions", people will tune out. The only way to keep the next generation engaged with Israel, Birthright trips notwithstanding, is for Israel to listen to them. Therefore bickering over this or that J Street policy is beside the point. Long term, the real choice will not be J Street vs. AIPAC, but J Street vs. nothing.